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Boris Stomakhin

OLEG ORLOV: Next up is Boris Stomakhin, whom “Memorial” did not recognise as a political prisoner, although some other organisations did. BORIS STOMAKHIN: I would like to say that it appears to me that the topic of today’s discussion is too artificial and far-fetched; what Sergey Adamovich

OLEG ORLOV: Next up is Boris Stomakhin, whom “Memorial” did not recognise as a political prisoner, although some other organisations did.

BORIS STOMAKHIN: I would like to say that it appears to me that the topic of today’s discussion is too artificial and far-fetched; what Sergey Adamovich [Kovalyov] described as disputes over the definitions, about who is a political prisoner and who is not, about groups including prisoners of conscience and not. In spite of the basic belief which predominates in the human rights movement, I believe political prisoners are not only people persecuted by the authorities for political reasons, whether [Mikhail] Khodorkovsky or Taisi’ya Osipova, or scientists convicted of espionage for unclear reasons. Political prisoners are people who oppose the government and the state for their own political motives. It’s as if they’ve been relegated to second place, if not thrown out of consideration.

Khodorkovsky himself stated on several occasions that he had been imprisoned, basically so as to pillage and seize the oil company he had founded. People who have acted against the state, whether peacefully or through force, this is irrelevant...I believe they should not be discounted. Regardless of whether these are the above-mentioned Narodnovol’tsi, the Irish Republican Army or current Chechen Mujahideen, today sitting behind bars. Their sentences last from 15 to 20 years. Many have life sentences. They are in jail because they fought against the state for political reasons, armed with weapons. I believe that they are undoubtedly political prisoners and should be recognised as such.

Just like Ali Taziev (Amir Magas). The military emir of the Caucasus Emirate, imprisoned today in Lefortovo, is awaiting a trail. I believe we should start with him, unconditionally calling and recognising him as a political prisoner.

As for the so-called anti-extremist legislation, I am in full agreement with the point of view that has been earlier aired. I also believe that people prosecuted under Articles 280 and 282, even Part II of Article 205 (the so-called justification of terrorism through speech) inevitably fall under the category of prisoners of conscience. If these people did nothing violently, but just expressed their view. I myself belong to this category. I was imprisoned under Articles 280 and 282. The anti-extremist legislation must undoubtedly be abolished. These articles must not at all exist.

In a broader context, this is absolutely insufficient. Ever since Soviet times, our existing human rights movement has insisted that the state comply with its own constitution, as if restricting itself to the limits of the state. As a matter of principle, it never goes beyond these limits and even works with them where possible, showing good will.

I think not only the anti-extremist articles should be abolished, but the state itself should be abolished to hell. It must be destroyed, because for centuries there never has been a mould other than dictatorship or tyranny. It is ridiculous to say that soft or fair laws should be adopted there, that there will suddenly be a fair trial reviewing these “extremist” cases. None of this is there, nor will there.

As for the refusal of the Human Rights Center “Memorial” to recognise me as a political prisoner, I find it rather symbolic that today’s gathering is taking place in “Memorial” while the “Statement by the Council of the Human Rights Center ‘Memorial’” from the fourth of October 2006 is still on the internet, made the day after the beginning of my trial. I’ve already explained the articles under which I was imprisoned, purely for speech and not for some violent acts; the expression of my views, for a fair choice. (Noise in the audience.)

OLEG ORLOV: Valentin, will you please not interfere.

VALENTIN GEFTER: Boris, there is no need to express those views again...

BORIS STOMAKHIN: I just remember my own feelings when I heard about this in jail. I heard that journalists had been bombarding the Human Rights Center “Memorial” with questions; will the Centre be defending Stomakhin, and they say no, we will not be defending Stomakhin because so-and-so is bad. This was acutely felt in the cell, but I’ve already been freed and have different sensations about this all, and now I’ve come here. I would just like to express my contempt for the Human Rights Center “Memorial” for this. I wanted to spit then and I just want to spit on these people, that is all. They deserve nothing less.

OLEG ORLOV: I cannot help but make a small comment. Emir Magas, who was just mentioned now, was the leader of illegal armed formations in Ingushetia and declared the entire Russian population of Ingushetia an authorised war target. Soon after armed units under his control began to methodically eliminate the non-Ingush population on the territory of Ingushetia. Here’s a small example of someone who is held up as a political prisoner

ALEXANDER CHERKASOV: On his orders, over a hundred people were killed over eighteen months.

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