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Alexander Cherkasov’s Remarks

ALEXANDER CHERKASOV: When twenty five or something years ago a telephone was brought to Andrei Dmitrievich Sakharov’s apartment in Gorky [currently Nizhny Novgorod] and he called [then Soviet leader Mikhail] Gorbachev, the first thing Sakharov spoke about with Gorbachev was the release of

ALEXANDER CHERKASOV: When twenty five or something years ago a telephone was brought to Andrei Dmitrievich Sakharov’s apartment in Gorky [currently Nizhny Novgorod] and he called [then Soviet leader Mikhail] Gorbachev, the first thing Sakharov spoke about with Gorbachev was the release of political prisoners. Sakharov went on to reason and clearly set forth what is called “passwords, addresses, appearances,” that’s to say cases which indisputably dealt with political convictions of people. Within a few weeks a massive release of political prisoners began. Only then did a normal social life begin. Because how is it possible to live a normal social life when you are “dragged into jail” for expressing your opinions.

Unfortunately, when the need for forming such a list now arises, it has not been possible to agree on a short and convincing list of several people, undisputed by the authorities. It is obvious because Sergey Adamovich [Kovalyov] and co. were working well then. The problem of political prisoners from the middle of the 1960s to the 70s has in the public mind swung from the “this cannot be possible” to the “who doesn’t know this?” in the late 70s. We have again come to that stage where this problem must be discussed.

We probably should discuss it. Because it is still a common field for consolidation. The Chronicle... was a place where not only Westernizers were spoken about (Liberals, as we now call them), but where Nationalists of various stripes were also written about on a considerable basis. From Ukrainian and Lithuanian nationalists to Russian ones on a large basis. The discussion of Article 19 of the Constitution of the USSR on human rights was a common field for all.

The situation is more difficult now. In 1937 all terrorist cases were fabricated by the investigator. That situation, unfortunately for simple minds, is a thing of the past. We live in a situation between a government and terror. Boris Stomakhin here described Amir Magas as an object of protection. He is a rare kind, not only did he sanction the shooting of civilians but also published a general order. We live in a country where there is a real terrorist underground. And not just one.

A more complex and closer look at these things is required. Frankly speaking, the position of the victim’s lawyer, rather than the position of the defendant’s counsel, is preferable. It is not Article 70, but other articles of the Criminal Code which better describe the situation. This does not require a wholesale inclusion of everyone in the list; a 5% error margin is perhaps acceptable, but a careful, and if possible, complete study of each case is needed. Only like this must we speak, write and read, among other things. That is how our conversations will lead to a result of sorts. In the meantime, we should probably still gather and talk.

Continue to Oleg Orlov’s Final Remarks

Back to Overview of Part III

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